<ul><li>Jirian City is designed to combat Egypt’s economic slowdown by stimulating diversified industrial growth while addressing critical food-security vulnerabilities through large-scale agricultural reclamation and urban expansion.&nbsp;</li></ul><ul><li>Approximately 7% of Egypt’s annual Nile water will be rerouted to reclaim 2.5 million acres of desert, boosting wheat and corn production to reduce import dependency.&nbsp;</li></ul><ul><li>The mixed-use metropolis spanning 6.8 million m² is projected to generate 250,000 jobs, house up to 3 million people, and integrate 20% water bodies and 30% green spaces into its design.&nbsp;</li></ul><ul><li>Key risks include intensifying water scarcity and domestic resource stress, accelerating foreign debt burdens, and exacerbating regional geopolitical tensions over Nile water management.&nbsp;</li></ul>&nbsp;On June 1st, 2025, the Egyptian government has announced plans for Jirian, a groundbreaking megaproject for cities and farms that would be built around 42 kilometers west of central Cairo. This project is part of a bigger plan for the Nile Delta that started in 2021. It aims to reclaim 2.5 million acres of desert land west of the original Nile Delta. The goal is to greatly increase the country's production of strategic crops, especially wheat and corn, so that it doesn't have to rely on food imports as much.&nbsp;The government's ambitious plan calls for the construction of a high-tech city that will encompass 6.8 million square meters and comprise more than 20,000 homes, business districts, and high-end features including a yacht marina, international hotels, universities, hospitals, and a media city. Sustainability is a top priority in the city's design. About 20% of the land is made up of water bodies and 30% is made up of green spaces. A major Nile channel runs from Rasheed to the city. This environmentally friendly strategy is in line with Egypt's larger goal of combining urban growth with taking care of the environment.&nbsp;Jirian city also hopes to become an economic powerhouse by deliberately combining urban growth with industry and logistical hubs. This will be made possible by a free economic zone that is meant to draw in a lot of investment. Prime Minister Mostafa Madbouly says that the project has the ability to change things for the better. He says it will create about 250,000 new employment and house up to 3 million families, which will help Cairo's famous traffic problems.&nbsp;One interesting thing is that the Egyptian government has worked with well-known real estate developers like Nations of Sky, Palm Hills, and Mountain View. The goal of these partnerships is to take advantage of the private sector's energy. For example, Palm Hills has an ambitious plan that encompasses 361 acres and more than 9 kilometers of Nile shoreline development, which will be aimed at both residential and tourism markets. The idea includes building a top-notch sports center to get Egyptian sportsmen ready for international tournaments, such the 2028 Olympics in Los Angeles.&nbsp;However, the project's broad goals come with serious economic and environmental hazards. Egypt's foreign debt has now grown to almost $155 billion, which is four times what it was in 2015. This shows how the country's ambitious infrastructure projects have made its finances even more unstable. The EU and IMF have committed extra support, expressing worldwide worry over Egypt's economic resiliency and stability.&nbsp;&nbsp;The project diverts over 10 million cubic meters of Nile water every day into places that were once deserts. This makes Egypt's water security even more unstable, especially because tensions with Ethiopia is still high over the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam. Cairo's risky move, which has a lot of potential, might make water issues in the region worse and make it harder to manage resources within the country.&nbsp;Ultimately, while Jirian City symbolizes Egypt’s determination to forge a modern, sustainable future and stimulate economic growth, it demands meticulous management of environmental and geopolitical risks. Egypt's ability to balance these complex dynamics will significantly determine the project's long-term success and sustainability.&nbsp;

Egypt’s Jirian City project aims to boost food security and economic growth through desert reclamation and urban expansion. While promising in scale, it heightens risks around water scarcity, debt, and regional tensions—making its success contingent on careful environmental and geopolitical management.

Chaouki Lina

Nile’s New Horizon: Egypt’s Strategic Gamble on Jirian City

<ul><li>Western media uses the Iran–Israel war to justify regime change under the banner of democracy.</li><li>This brief clarifies Iran’s political system beyond propaganda.</li><li>Iran combines democratic elements (elected president and parliament) with strong theocratic authority (Supreme Leader and Guardian Council).</li><li>Western democracies also rely on unelected bodies with major influence (e.g., Constitutional Council in France, Supreme Court in the U.S.).</li><li>Theocracy isn’t inherently anti-democratic if it’s based on popular consent.</li><li>The real debate isn’t democracy vs. dictatorship — it’s who holds lasting power and how that power is legitimized.</li></ul>Since the beginning of the 12-day war between Iran and Israel, a large-scale neoconservative media offensive has invaded our screens. In the name of "democracy," many Western journalists, columnists, and politicians have legitimized the Israeli attack not to put an end to the Iranian nuclear program, which is unattainable given the depth of the facilities where the enrichment centrifuges are located, but for yet another regime change in the Middle East led by a Western ally.&nbsp; We are not here to determine whether democracy and the values of the Enlightenment that emerged during the French Revolution over 200 years ago are the best possible system of governance, and even less whether it should be imposed on Iran by foreign powers as the West has repeatedly tried in Iraq, Syria, or Libya with the consequences that followed.&nbsp; In this IB, the primary goal is to clarify the political situation in Iran by dusting off the propaganda of the Iranian regime loyalists and that of its detractors at a time when we hear everything and anything about the current political situation in Iran.&nbsp; On December 3, 1979, just a few months after the departure of the last Shah of Iran from the Pahlavi dynasty, 71% of eligible Iranians went to the polls to approve the new constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran by 99.5%. This constitution laid the foundations for a hybrid system inspired both by certain Western democracies with a unicameral system, with the Majlis whose deputies are elected by direct universal suffrage for 4 years, but also Islamic, similar to the functioning of certain caliphates throughout history, with a Supreme Leader theoretically chosen for life by the Assembly of Experts, who are nothing more than Islamic jurists themselves elected by direct universal suffrage every 8 years. The Supreme Leader is primarily a religious figure of Shia Islam, which is the dominant Islamic branch in Iran but also in Iraq, with many followers in Lebanon and Syria. He is also the head of the armed forces, in addition to being the keeper of the seals and at the head of the state media. Moreover, the President of the Republic, elected for a 4-year term by direct universal suffrage, is a public figure before being a political symbol; he represents the Supreme Leader through his interventions both within the country and abroad. The constitution limits his responsibilities, which largely confer the executive apparatus to the Supreme Leader. The main counter-power to the Majlis (parliament) is the Guardian Council, which meticulously analyzes each proposed law and either approves or rejects it based on the constitution. The council is composed of 12 members, 6 chosen by the Majlis and the other 6 by the Supreme Leader. The considerable influence of the Guardian Council of the Constitution over the fate of any passed law could be considered a blatant violation of the principle of democracy due to the non-electoral nature of the selection of half of its members, but when focusing on the current situation in other countries that fully claim to be democratic, the reality is similar. In France, any bill, after being approved by the National Assembly and the Senate, can be approved or rejected by the Constitutional Council, whose 9 members are not elected but chosen by the President of the Republic, the President of the National Assembly, and the President of the Senate for a non-renewable term of 9 years. Thus, a newly elected majority may encounter a Constitutional Council whose members reflect the convictions of a former majority. On the other side of the Atlantic, the American president appoints Supreme Court members for life, thus giving the Republican or Democratic party a considerable advantage over the legislative effectiveness or lack thereof of future administrations. One can note the example of Donald Trump, who had the "chance" to serve a term during which 2 judges died and one retired, allowing President Trump to appoint 3 Republican judges for life, thus granting an immense advantage to the Republicans. The effects were felt as early as Joe Biden's term with the overturning of the Roe v. Wade decision, which recognized women's constitutional right to abortion in the United States, deeming this decision unconstitutional, even though the president, the Senate, and the House of Representatives were in the hands of the Democrats, who are naturally pro-abortion and whose members are elected democratically. These examples show us that popular sovereignty is merely a fantasy that has never actually come to fruition in the West; the complexity of applying direct democracy on a large scale forces every country to entrust certain appointments of high-ranking decision-making officials to elected representatives, whose choices have consequences far beyond their own mandate. Moreover, Iran is criticized for its theocratic nature, on the grounds that its Constitution is based on Islam. But a theocracy is not necessarily anti-democratic. If the people freely adhere to a religious constitutional basis and accept that this basis is fixed, then it does not contradict democratic principles. Democracy does not necessarily imply the constant change of laws or values. It is primarily based on popular adherence to the existing system.

Western portrayals of Iran often reduce its political system to authoritarian theocracy. In reality, Iran combines elected institutions with powerful unelected religious authorities, forming a hybrid model of governance. By comparing Iran’s system to Western democracies that also rely on unelected bodies, such as constitutional courts, the analysis challenges simplistic binaries of democracy versus dictatorship and invites a deeper reflection on how political legitimacy and power are structured globally.

Rethinking Iran’s Political System Beyond Western Tropes

<ul><li> Air superiority remains decisive in conventional warfare; fifth-generation jets offer unmatched advantages in stealth, radar, and missile range.</li><li>Algeria’s acquisition of Su-57s creates a critical gap in regional air capabilities, putting Morocco’s current fleet, even with upgraded F-16Vs, at a significant disadvantage.</li><li>The F-35 is Morocco’s only viable fifth-gen option, given that U.S. allies can access it while Russian or Chinese alternatives carry diplomatic and operational risks.</li><li>The F-35’s drawbacks are real, high operational cost, lower mission-readiness rate, and concerns over U.S. control via a rumored “kill switch”, but may be outweighed by the strategic necessity.</li><li>Inaction could leave Morocco vulnerable to being outmatched in the skies without ever detecting incoming threats, a shift that could destabilize the regional balance of power.</li></ul>&nbsp;The end of World War II marked a historic turning point in human history. It brought about the collapse of colonial rule in Africa and Asia as European powers weakened, the beginning of the Cold War between the Western and Soviet blocs, and an unprecedented redrawing of borders across the globe, which has continued to fuel conflicts to this day.The war also highlighted the crucial role of airpower as a major striking force, decisive in many battles, such as the humiliating three-week defeat of the French army by the Germans. In his Memoirs, published in 1954, General de Gaulle reflected extensively on this rapid collapse, attributing it to a lack of preparation for a “new kind of war,” a reference to the Luftwaffe’s air superiority.In 2025, the reality remains largely unchanged: the control of the skies determines the outcome of the war. This isn't always true, as shown by the Israeli army’s ongoing struggle against the al-Qassam Brigades in Gaza, even after more than a year of relentless airstrikes that have taken many lives, mostly civilians.Still, in a war between two conventional forces, air superiority largely determines the outcome. It provides vital intelligence on enemy troop and vehicle movements as well as strategic sites like ammunition warehouses, bridges, roads, or fuel depots. It allows for the targeting of both moving and stationary ground targets. It enables better coordination with ground forces, pushing the frontline while limiting casualties. And it ensures control of the skies, preventing the enemy from carrying out any of the above missions.There are several categories of military aircraft: fighter jets, bombers, surveillance planes, close air support aircraft, and troop transporters. The type of aircraft we’re focusing on here is the fighter jet. What sets it apart is its versatility; it can bomb ground targets, gather crucial intelligence while remaining undetected by radar, and take down all types of enemy aircraft.Because of the complexity and high development costs of this kind of technological marvel, very few countries produce them today, and even fewer export them, leaving most nations dependent on a small club of producers. The United States, Russia, and France are the primary exporters of fighter jets. Besides the financial investment, acquiring these aircraft often requires diplomatic or ideological concessions to gain access to the most modern models.In 2019, for instance, the United States refused to sell upgraded F-16 Viper models to Turkey after Ankara decided to buy S-400 air defense systems from Russia instead of a NATO ally. That decision also cost Turkey its place in the F-35 program, Lockheed Martin’s latest-generation fighter.Morocco, for its part, has a relatively diverse fleet, according to the latest World Fleet report, which tracks military aircraft inventories worldwide. The Kingdom currently operates 22 F-5Es (third-generation jets), 46 Mirage F1s (fourth generation), and 15 F-16 Block 52s, with 24 more on the way. Although originally fourth-generation, these F-16s are being upgraded to the Viper standard, placing them in the 4.5-generation category.Today, fighter jets are generally divided into five generations. I’ll cover the specifics and innovations of each generation since WWII in a future intelligence brief. For now, Morocco operates a multigenerational fleet, ranging from outdated aircraft like the F-5E, which most countries have retired, to Mirage F1s and F-16s, which remain capable of serving as a credible deterrent in hypothetical conflicts with any of Morocco’s neighboring militaries.This image, however, has taken a serious blow with the announcement that Algeria is about to receive the Sukhoi Su-57, a fifth-generation Russian fighter jet, for its air force. This is a major development, as Algeria will become the first African country to operate fifth-generation fighters, giving it a significant strategic advantage over Morocco’s current fleet.The main differences between fourth- and fifth-generation fighters lie in stealth, missile range, and radar capabilities—three factors that can determine the outcome of an aerial battle. The F-16 Viper, which Morocco is about to receive, can only detect a Su-57 at a range of 70 kilometers, while the Su-57 can spot an F-16V at over 150 kilometers due to the F-16’s radar cross-section of one square meter, making it easily detectable.The Moroccan F-16Vs, equipped with AMRAAM missiles, have a maximum range of approximately 120 to 160 kilometers. In contrast, the Su-57 can strike with R-77M or R-37M missiles from up to 300 kilometers away, engaging its target before the F-16V even has time to react. This puts the Moroccan jets at a serious disadvantage, forcing them to get dangerously close to enemy aircraft to engage, exposing them to superior radar and stealth technology.The Su-57 is also theoretically capable of engaging up to 12 different targets at once, while the F-16V is limited to a maximum of 8. Without stealth aircraft in its arsenal, Morocco could find itself completely outmatched, with Algeria able to neutralize its entire air fleet from within its territory, far from Moroccan anti-air defenses.If Morocco hopes to maintain military balance with its neighbor and avoid a potentially disastrous conflict for both nations, it must do everything possible to acquire fifth-generation fighter jets. Currently, only three countries produce operational fifth-gen fighters: the United States with the F-35 and F-22 (not available for export), China with the J-20 (also not exported), and Russia with the Su-57.That leaves Morocco with just two options: the United States or Russia. This choice can’t be based solely on technical performance: it also depends on broader strategic considerations, including existing diplomatic and security ties with each power.The Su-57 could, on paper, be a good option for Morocco, both because of its advanced performance and because it would help diversify the country’s defense suppliers, a long-standing goal for the Kingdom. But that move could come at a high price. It might jeopardize Morocco’s access to cutting-edge American military equipment, such as helicopters and other sensitive systems. Not to mention, the strain of the Ukrainian war has exacerbated the ongoing delays in Russian defense deliveries.Choosing Russia could prove catastrophic for Morocco, likely leading to a loss of U.S. strategic and diplomatic support, whereas opting for an American fighter jet would not damage Rabat’s relationship with Moscow in any meaningful way.That makes the F-35 the only truly viable option for Morocco. It’s a fighter jet that has seen widespread success in the U.S. Air Force and with many American allies across the globe. However, it comes with major technical and financial challenges. The operational cost alone is enormous, $28,000 per flight hour, according to the U.S. Air Force, nearly three times the cost of flying an F-16V.Beyond cost, the F-35 has suffered eleven major accidents since 2018, mainly during training flights in the U.S. According to a report published last year by the U.S. Director of Operational Test and Evaluation, Lockheed Martin’s F-35s continue to face problems with reliability, maintainability, and availability. On average, they are mission-ready only 51% of the time, far from the 65% target.There’s also a strategic concern: the persistent rumor of a remote shutdown system—often called a "kill switch"—that "the U.S. could activate unilaterally to prevent the F-35 from being used in missions contrary to its interests. If true, this would represent a serious loss of sovereignty, leaving the buyer in technological dependence on Washington even after purchase.Given these technical uncertainties and the potential loss of strategic autonomy, can we still consider it a real choice? In a regional context where Algeria is equipping itself with the stealth-capable Su-57, capable of striking without being detected, can Morocco truly afford to ignore the F-35—despite all its drawbacks? Perhaps, more than a rational option, acquiring this aircraft has become a strategic necessity.&nbsp;

Morocco risks falling behind militarily as Algeria becomes the first African country to acquire fifth-generation fighter jets (Su-57). To maintain strategic balance and deterrence, Morocco must urgently seek to acquire F-35s from the United States, despite their high cost and technical constraints.

F-35, Morocco’s Next Fighter Jet?

Gender dimensions of criminal justice responses to terrorism

Weaponisation of female bodies: Rape as a weapon of war in the DRC

Women as symbols and swords: Gender and Boko Haram

Gender and terror: Boko Haram and the abuse of women in Nigeria

<ul><li>In African conflicts, women are systematically targeted through sexual violence, abduction, forced marriages, and exploitation, serving as deliberate strategies by armed groups to terrorize populations and dismantle societal structures.</li><li>Groups like Boko Haram in Nigeria and militias in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) use gendered violence as both a military strategy and a means of control, exploiting deeply rooted patriarchal norms to justify their actions.</li><li>Sexual violence as a weapon of war has devastating effects on survivors, including psychological trauma, social ostracization, sexually transmitted diseases, and unwanted pregnancies, which further weaken the stability and economic recovery of affected communities.</li><li>Addressing these atrocities requires gender-sensitive counterterrorism approaches, accountability mechanisms, and survivor support services, ensuring the protection and empowerment of women in post-conflict settings.</li></ul>The systematic weaponization of women’s rights in African conflicts is a widespread phenomenon, deeply embedded in the strategic objectives of armed groups and extremist organizations. Women and girls bear the brunt of war crimes, not merely as collateral damage but as intentional targets in conflict zones. Rape, forced marriage, abduction, and exploitation have been leveraged by groups such as Boko Haram, Al-Shabaab, ISIS affiliates, and various local militias to inflict terror, control populations, and sustain insurgencies.Beyond the immediate physical harm, these acts are designed to fracture communities by undermining women’s roles in society, fostering long-term instability. Understanding the historical patterns, actors involved, and broader implications of these crimes is crucial for crafting effective policy responses that can protect and empower affected women while dismantling the strategies used by these groups.The use of sexual violence and gendered oppression in war is not new but has been exacerbated in modern African conflicts. The Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), plagued by conflict since the late 20th century, has been labeled the “rape capital of the world” due to the extent of mass rape as a warfare tactic. In the eastern provinces, particularly North and South Kivu, armed militias and rebel groups regularly use sexual violence to control populations, punish enemies, and break down resistance. Reports have documented cases of women being gang-raped, subjected to sexual slavery, and mutilated, leading to severe physical and psychological trauma. Similarly, in Nigeria and the broader Lake Chad Basin, Boko Haram’s insurgency has employed kidnappings and forced marriages as tools of war. The 2014 Chibok schoolgirls’ abduction became a global symbol of this crisis, with hundreds of girls kidnapped, raped, and forced into marriages with militants. These acts serve both an ideological function, reinforcing the group’s extremist interpretation of gender roles, and a practical purpose, using forced marriages to replenish their ranks and prevent women from escaping or betraying the group.The targeting of women continues to evolve as extremist groups adapt their tactics. Boko Haram, for instance, has escalated its abuse by weaponizing women themselves—not just as victims, but as tools of terror. Recent studies show that women and girls abducted by Boko Haram are often trained as suicide bombers and deployed in densely populated areas. This gendered tactic takes advantage of societal norms, as women are often perceived as less suspicious and more likely to evade security checks. In the DRC, while peace agreements have been signed, militia groups continue to engage in systematic sexual violence as a means of control. Survivors frequently face stigmatization within their communities, making reintegration and recovery exceedingly difficult. Moreover, these crimes often go unpunished due to weak judicial institutions and corruption, perpetuating a culture of impunity.Armed groups and militias, such as Boko Haram, ISIS-West Africa, Al-Shabaab, and Congolese rebel factions, strategically use gendered violence to assert control, destabilize communities, and sustain their operations. Through rape, forced marriages, and abductions, they not only terrorize populations but also reinforce their ideologies and recruit fighters. Meanwhile, governments and security forces play a crucial role in counterterrorism efforts, yet some have also been implicated in acts of sexual violence. Due to weak judicial systems, corruption, and lack of accountability, these violations often go unpunished, further perpetuating the cycle of violence. Additionally, many state-led security operations fail to incorporate gender-sensitive policies, leaving women even more vulnerable in conflict zones. At the same time, international organizations and NGOs, including the United Nations (UN) and African Union (AU), work to provide humanitarian aid, legal advocacy, and survivor support. They actively push for stronger legal frameworks to prosecute gender-based crimes. However, despite their critical role in relief efforts, they frequently face challenges such as funding constraints, security risks, and bureaucratic hurdles, which limit their impact.These behaviors have an immense impact on the victims, leading to severe risks and implications. One of the most significant consequences is psychological and societal trauma, as survivors of sexual violence often suffer from post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), depression, and social ostracization. Many women are abandoned by their families and communities, further deepening their marginalization and vulnerability. In addition, health consequences are widespread, as sexual violence increases the spread of HIV/AIDS, sexually transmitted infections (STIs), and complications from unsafe abortions. The lack of medical care in conflict zones further exacerbates these conditions, putting survivors at even greater risk. Beyond individual suffering, these crimes contribute to long-term destabilization. By dismantling women’s roles in families and economies, armed groups weaken local economies, disrupt social structures, and prolong conflict, making post-war recovery even more difficult. Finally, impunity and the normalization of violence allow these crimes to persist. The lack of accountability emboldens perpetrators, setting dangerous precedents for future conflicts. When justice systems fail to prosecute such crimes, it sends a message of tolerance toward gender-based violence, reinforcing cycles of oppression and insecurity.Furthermore, a comprehensive, multi-pronged approach is needed to combat the weaponization of women’s rights in African conflicts. Strengthening legal frameworks is essential, as governments must prosecute sexual violence as a war crime and ensure accountability under international human rights laws. Holding perpetrators accountable through effective judicial systems can serve as both a deterrent and a step toward justice for survivors. Equally important are survivor rehabilitation programs, which should provide medical, psychological, and economic reintegration services to support long-term recovery. Many survivors face severe physical and mental trauma, social stigma, and economic marginalization, making comprehensive rehabilitation a crucial aspect of post-conflict recovery efforts. Education and community engagement play a critical role in challenging deep-rooted patriarchal norms that perpetuate gender-based violence. Awareness programs should focus on changing societal perceptions, empowering women, and involving men and community leaders in discussions on gender equality and violence prevention. Additionally, increasing women’s participation in peace negotiations and governance can reinforce gender-inclusive policies that prioritize women's protection and empowerment. When women are actively involved in decision-making, policies tend to be more effective in addressing gender-based violence and supporting survivors, leading to more sustainable and inclusive peace processes.These measures are expected to lead to a reduction in gender-based violence (GBV), higher prosecution rates, improved access to justice and healthcare for survivors, and greater female representation in decision-making processes. A stronger institutional framework will help create safer environments for women and girls, preventing future cases of gender-based violence in conflict zones. However, challenges remain, including resistance from patriarchal structures, limited resources for survivor support and law enforcement, and threats to activists and NGOs operating in conflict zones. These barriers can slow down the implementation of effective measures and reduce their overall impact, requiring consistent advocacy and international support. Success will be measured then by a decrease in reported GBV cases, higher conviction rates for perpetrators, increased female participation in peacebuilding, and greater societal acceptance of reintegrated survivors. The effectiveness of these strategies will depend on strong political will, adequate funding, and continuous efforts to transform gender dynamics in post-conflict societies.The weaponization of women’s rights in African conflicts is not merely an unfortunate byproduct of war—it is a calculated strategy designed to terrorize communities, weaken governance, and sustain extremist movements. While progress has been made in addressing gender-based violence, much work remains. Legal, humanitarian, and community-driven responses must work in tandem to dismantle these oppressive strategies, protect survivors, and empower women as key agents of peace and stability. Only through sustained international pressure, gender-sensitive policies, and survivor-centered interventions can we effectively combat the use of women’s rights as weapons of war.

The systematic weaponization of women’s rights in African conflicts is a widespread phenomenon, deeply embedded in the strategic objectives of armed groups and extremist organizations. Women and girls bear the brunt of war crimes, not merely as collateral damage but as intentional targets in conflict zones. Rape, forced marriage, abduction, and exploitation have been leveraged by groups such as Boko Haram, Al-Shabaab, ISIS affiliates, and various local militias to inflict terror, control populations, and sustain insurgencies.

Weaponization of Women’s Rights in African Conflicts

<ul><li>The ECB has raised interest rates aggressively to curb inflation, easing price growth but triggering economic slowdowns and uneven impacts across Europe. Borrowing costs have surged, straining households and businesses.</li><li>Rising mortgage rates, rent, and food prices have hit lower-income families the hardest. Businesses, especially small and medium-sized enterprises, face higher financing costs, limiting investment and growth. </li><li>Persisting with high interest rates risks pushing Europe into recession, worsening financial hardship, and deepening economic disparities between member states. Political tensions may escalate as struggling economies demand policy adjustments.</li><li>The ECB must balance inflation control with economic stability by considering country-specific conditions. A more flexible monetary approach, combined with targeted fiscal policies from EU governments, is needed to prevent further economic distress while maintaining financial stability.</li></ul>Inflation has been a major economic test facing Europe. With inflation, prices for essential goods and services have gone up from food to energy. The European Central Bank has reacted with aggressive rate increases in a bid to stop inflation. Yet, the effects of such decisions remain a point of argument among many.The ECB thinks that inflation control is essential to ensure long-term stability, while critics say the higher interest rates might push Europe into recession and make financial distress worse. It is not uniform economic fallout; some member states are suffering more than others. External factors, like the war in Ukraine and global supply chain disruptions, have played a significant role in making things worse.Inflation has affected everyday Europeans, whether the ECB's policies are working as intended, and how geopolitical and economic factors shape the broader situation. It also considers the risks of a recession and its potential impact across Europe.&nbsp;For many millions of Europeans, inflation is not an abstract economic problem; it's a daily fight. The cost of living has shot up, and households are finding it increasingly difficult to sustain their standard of living.Housing costs have skyrocketed, especially in cities where demand surpasses supply. Renters are seeing steep increases as landlords pass on higher mortgage costs. Homeowners with variable-rate mortgages are finding it increasingly difficult to pay their rising monthly payments, making home ownership increasingly unaffordable for Europeans.Food prices have gone up a lot, and the prices of essentials like dairy products (e.g., milk at around €1.05 per liter, cheese at €9.20 per kg), vegetables (e.g., tomatoes at €2.00 per kg, potatoes at €0.80 per kg), and meat (e.g., chicken breast at €7.90 per kg, beef at €13.20 per kg) have visibly gone up. Poor families are hit most because they spend a larger percentage of their income on food. Many families do without fresh and nutritious foods and are substituting them with cheap foods.Energy prices have been another major driver of inflation. The war in Ukraine disrupted global energy markets, causing electricity and gas prices to shoot up. For instance, in the first half of 2024, the average household electricity price in the EU was €28.9 per 100 kWh, with Germany experiencing the highest rate at €39.5 per 100 kWh. Similarly, gas prices saw significant increases, with the EU average reaching €11 per 100 kWh during the same period.The European Central Bank (ECB) has been raising interest rates rapidly to combat inflation, thus increasing the cost of borrowing with the aim of reducing consumer spending and business investment. The ECB has been raising rates since 2022 at an unprecedented pace, citing the need for decisive action to prevent inflation from becoming entrenched.In July 2022, the ECB raised its key interest rate to 0.5%, marking the first increase since March 2016. Subsequent hikes occurred almost monthly, reaching 4.5% by December 2023—the highest level since the 2007–2008 global financial crisis. As inflation began to ease, the ECB implemented rate cuts, reducing the key rate to 3.75% by late 2024.These monetary policy adjustments have significantly impacted borrowing costs for consumers and businesses, leading to a slowdown in mortgage lending growth and affecting overall economic activity.This perspective has been articulated by various experts and organizations. For instance, the Federal Reserve Bank of Minneapolis highlighted in a 2023 article that "rapidly rising interest rates have put added pressure on businesses," noting that many companies reported lower profits due to increased borrowing costs.Similarly, RJ Ancona, an executive at American Express, emphasized that "rising interest rates make accessing working capital more challenging than ever for small and medium-sized businesses."The question remains whether this set of interest rate increases has been the correct tool for the current European inflation crisis. In fact, most economists argue that inflation has resulted from external supply shocks, not excessive domestic demand, such as energy price hikes and supply chain disruptions. Therefore, raising the interest rates further may do very little to remedy the root causes of inflation but will worsen financial hardship.The main challenge with a single monetary policy in the Eurozone is that its members are at different economic stages that require opposite treatments. Germany, for one, supports tight monetary policies and higher interest rates in order to control inflation, while Southern European countries, like Italy and Spain, are opposed to higher rates, fearing they will hurt economies with high debt and slower growth. Besides, divergence in inflation within the Eurozone, particularly Central and Eastern Europe, adds to this scenario. Several governments demand more flexibility, while the ECB insists on its pursuit of its inflation-targeting strategy.The cost of the ECB's war against inflation is very high in the short run and is very unevenly distributed among countries and social groups. Further, geopolitical uncertainties, financial volatility, and internal EU tensions will further complicate the outlook. The pressure to revise its policy will increasingly be put on the ECB. Yet, the important question remains whether its approach will provide long-term stability in Europe's economy or deepen the economic difficulties that push the continent toward recession. The stake is high both for financial markets and millions of Europeans.

Inflation has been a major economic test facing Europe. With inflation, prices for essential goods and services have gone up from food to energy. The European Central Bank has reacted with aggressive rate increases in a bid to stop inflation. Yet, the effects of such decisions remain a point of argument among many.

The ECB's Struggle and Europe's Uneven Economic Impact

President Donald Trump announced Project Stargate, a $500 billion investment in partnership with OpenAI, Oracle, and SoftBank, aimed at strengthening artificial intelligence (AI) infrastructure in the United States. &nbsp;This initiative aims to position the United States as a global leader in AI, with potential implications for international technological competitiveness. For Morocco, this development presents both opportunities for collaboration and challenges regarding technological sovereignty and dependence on foreign technologies. &nbsp;It is crucial for Morocco to evaluate its national AI strategy to take advantage of the opportunities offered while strengthening its internal capabilities.&nbsp;On January 21, 2025, President Donald Trump announced the launch of Project Stargate, an ambitious initiative aimed at investing $500 billion in artificial intelligence (AI). This project, developed in partnership with tech giants such as OpenAI, Oracle, and SoftBank, aims to build cutting-edge infrastructures and strengthen the United States' position as a global leader in AI. This announcement represents a major turning point in technological geopolitics, marking a decisive step in the global competition for dominance in this key technology. For Morocco, this development represents a strategic opportunity but also raises challenges, particularly in terms of technological sovereignty and local development. Over the past two decades, artificial intelligence has established itself as an indispensable pillar of global innovation. The United States, China, and the European Union have engaged in a technological race to harness its potential. Each of these actors has developed ambitious national strategies aimed at maximizing the impact of AI on their economy and national security. Morocco, for its part, has recently intensified its efforts in this area by integrating AI into key initiatives such as the digitization of public services, telemedicine, and precision agriculture. However, despite these advancements, the country remains dependent on foreign technologies and investments. The announcement of the Stargate project by the United States represents a strategic response to China's rise in the field of AI. This project, with its colossal budget, emphasizes research, the development of advanced infrastructures, and data security. The objective is clear: to establish sustainable technological superiority. For Morocco, this initiative opens up interesting prospects, particularly in terms of technology transfer and international collaboration. However, it also highlights the risk of increased dependence on American technologies, an issue that could limit the emergence of a competitive local technological ecosystem. Developments in the field of artificial intelligence, catalyzed by the Stargate project, involve a multitude of actors and stakeholders, each playing a key role in this global technological dynamic. The United States, through their Stargate project, are mobilizing companies like OpenAI, Oracle, and SoftBank to consolidate their leadership in AI. These actors, with immense financial and technological capabilities, aim to build advanced infrastructures capable of transforming the global technological landscape. Morocco, although not directly involved in the Stargate project, is an indirectly concerned actor regarding the collaboration opportunities and challenges that this project may represent. Moroccan institutions, such as the Ministry of Digital Economy, tech startups, and universities, are all essential stakeholders in adapting to this new era. Finally, other international powers, such as China and the European Union, are closely monitoring the implications of this project, seeking to adjust their own strategies in the global competition for AI. The Stargate project presents potential advantages but also exposes Morocco to significant risks. The first major risk is technological dependence. Increased collaboration with foreign companies, although advantageous in the short term, could limit Morocco's ability to develop local solutions tailored to its needs. At the same time, the issue of data sovereignty is a central concern. By integrating foreign technologies, Morocco could see its sensitive data exposed, which would compromise its digital security. Moreover, regional inequalities could worsen, as remote or rural areas might not benefit equitably from these technological advancements. Finally, Morocco could face a strategic misalignment, where the objectives of international partners do not always align with local priorities. To maximize the benefits of the Stargate project while minimizing risks, Morocco must adopt a proactive and balanced approach. It is crucial to strengthen the local ecosystem, particularly by investing in the training of local talents and supporting startups specialized in AI. This would reduce dependence on foreign experts and technologies. Moreover, Morocco can explore strategic partnerships with international companies like OpenAI, but under conditions that guarantee a transfer of skills and technologies. At the same time, it is imperative to develop a solid legislative framework to regulate the use of AI, protect national data, and ensure that imported solutions adhere to high ethical standards. Finally, modernizing digital infrastructures, particularly in rural areas, is essential to democratize access to AI solutions and ensure inclusive development. The Stargate project reflects the growing importance of artificial intelligence as a global strategic lever. For Morocco, this American initiative represents a unique opportunity to strengthen its technological capabilities and integrate into the global technological ecosystem. However, the country must navigate cautiously to avoid the pitfalls of technological dependence and protect its digital sovereignty. By adopting a proactive, balanced, and strategic approach, Morocco can leverage global developments while strengthening its autonomy. Investing in local talent, establishing balanced partnerships, and developing robust technological infrastructures will be the keys to this success. Ultimately, AI can become a driver of economic and social transformation for Morocco, provided that the country adopts a clear, swift, and ambitious vision.

President Donald Trump announced Project Stargate, a $500 billion investment in partnership with OpenAI, Oracle, and SoftBank, aimed at strengthening artificial intelligence (AI) infrastructure in the United States.  This initiative aims to position the United States as a global leader in AI, with potential implications for international technological competitiveness. For Morocco, this development presents both opportunities for collaboration and challenges regarding technological sovereignty and dependence on foreign technologies.  It is crucial for Morocco to evaluate its national AI strategy to take advantage of the opportunities offered while strengthening its internal capabilities. 

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Chaouki Lina

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Publications (6)

Nile’s New Horizon: Egypt’s Strategic Gamble on Jirian City

Rethinking Iran’s Political System Beyond Western Tropes

F-35, Morocco’s Next Fighter Jet?

Weaponization of Women’s Rights in African Conflicts

The ECB's Struggle and Europe's Uneven Economic Impact

Impact of the Stargate Project on Artificial Intelligence in Morocco